IFR 95-4 (V.3, NO.4) Building Peace Regime on the Korean Peninsula ( http://opendata.mofa.go.kr/mofapub/resource/Publication/11241 ) at Linked Data

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  • IFR 95-4 (V.3, NO.4) Building Peace Regime on the Korean Peninsula
  • IFR 95-4 (V.3, NO.4) Building Peace Regime on the Korean Peninsula
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  • IFR 95-4 (V.3, NO.4) Building Peace Regime on the Korean Peninsula
  • IFR 95-4 (V.3, NO.4) Building Peace Regime on the Korean Peninsula
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  • IFR 95-4 (V.3, NO.4) Building Peace Regime on the Korean Peninsula
  • IFR 95-4 (V.3, NO.4) Building Peace Regime on the Korean Peninsula
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bibo:abstract
  • Building Peace Regime on the Korean Peninsula: Analysis and Assessment of Two Koreas' Perspectives on Peace Regime-Building
    Jin-Hyun Paik
    1995.08
    Professor, Institute of Foreign Affairs and National Security.
    Introduction
    The Korean War came to an end with the conclusion of the Armistice Agreement on 27
    July 1953 between the United Nations Command, on the one hand, and the North
    Korean Army and the Chinese People's Volunteer's force, on the other. Since then, the
    Agreement has served as a principal instrument in preserving the status quo and fragile
    peace on the Korean peninsula. The current armistice regime, however, has recently
    come under a serious challenge as North Korea has stepped up its 20-year-old demand
    for a United States-North Korea peace treaty. Beginning in January 1995, North Korea
    issued more frequent demands for a bilateral peace treaty with the United States. To be
    sure, it is not the first time that North Korea made such demands. Since 1974, North
    Korea has consistently proposed negotiating with the United States for the replacement
    of the Korean Armistice Agreement with a US-North Korean peace treaty.
    However, Pyongyang's recent moves seem to differ from its past ones at least in two
    important aspects. First, in the past Pyongyang's demand was intended not so much for
    the immediate conclusion of such treaty as for a kind of peace offensive toward
    Washington. However, its recent moves appear to be more serious, directly aiming at
    the very conclusion of a peace treaty itself. In fact, apparently to boost its case for
    making such treaty, Pyongyang has taken a series of unilateral measures to undermine
    the current armistice regime: first, paralysing the Military Armistice Commission(MAC)
    by withdrawing its own delegation and pressing China to recall its delegation from the
    Commission; and then closing down the Neutral Nations Supervisory
    Commission(NNSC) by expelling its Polish members from the North Korean soil. Such
    unilateral acts have resulted in the virtual suspension of the operation of the armistice
    mechanism. With the single most important security instrument in Korea out of function,
    a sense of crisis looms large on the part of South Korea. Second, North Korea's demand
    for a peace treaty with the United States hardly carried much weight in the past, as
    Pyongyang obviously lacked means or leverages to back up its claim. The United States
    and South Korea have thus attached little significance to Pyongyang's claim, which they
    considered a mere absurdity. However, the emergence of the North Korea's nuclear
    issue has, to substantial extent, changed this. With a powerful nuclear card in its hands,
    Pyongyang seems to believe that it has at last acquired means to realize its long-held
    objective. While it has not yet pressed hard, Pyongyang has been unmistakenly
    employing a strategy of linking the question of peace treaty with the resolution of the
    nuclear issue. During the three rounds of the high-level talks with the United States to
    resolve the nuclear issue, for instance, Pyongyang had several times demanded the
    signing of a peace treaty with Washington in return for its acceptance of the inspection
    of the International Atomic Energy Agency(IAEA). Despite the adoption of the Agreed
    Framework in Geneva in October 1994, the North may continue its strategy of linkage,
    this time with the implementation of the Geneva Framework.
    The above observation suggests that the four-decade-old Korean armistice regime is
    now subject to one of the most serious challenges of its lifetime. Moreover, the idea of
    a Pyongyang-Washington deal to revise the basic structure of security in Korea, which
    has been once rejected as a nonsense, may no longer be flatly discounted as such.
    Unless dealt with carefully, therefore, the recent development could further strain the
    ROK-US relationship, which is already quite delicate as a result of US-North Korea
    nuclear deal.
    Apart from this rather immediate challenge to the Korean armistice regime, one may
    also raise a question of more fundamental nature or broader context regarding the
    transformation of such regime. The Cold War structure of political and ideological
    confrontation around the Korean peninsula has been substantially relaxed over the past
    several years. South Korea normalized relations with its former opponents, the Soviet
    Union and China. North Korea now places a top policy priority on improving relations
    with its arch-enemies, the United States and Japan. Such trend of reconciliation and
    realignment seems to suggest that time is ripe for terminating the state of war in Korea
    and introducing a more stable and durable regime on peace on the peninsula. However,
    relations between two Koreas, the improvement of which is conditio sine qua non to any
    meaningful discussion of peace regime, remains all-time low not least because
    Pyongyang's persistence in isolating Seoul. Such ambivalence makes it rather difficult to
    assess the nature of current developments and the timeliness of raising an issue of
    peace regime on the peninsula.
    In light of these developments, it may be opportune to review some of the key issues
    related to the transformation of the current armistice regime into peace regime, to
    assess major areas of contention between two Koreas in this respect, and to determine
    what are the fundamentals of peace regime-building in Korea. This may help to figure
    out the real intention and objective behind the recent moves of North Korea. This would
    also help South Korea to work out the most appropriate response to the current
    developments. Above all, this may help to find out what is the most credible and
    effective way to peace regime-building on the Korean peninsula in the increasingly
    complex and ambiguous post-Cold War Northeast Asia.
    Two Koreas' Views on the Transformation of the Armistice Regime
    Assessment of Two Koreas' Views
    Conditions for Peace Regime Building
    How to Build Peace Regime on the Korean Peninsula
    Epilogue
    Statement by H.E. Mr. Gong Ro-Myung, Minister of Foreign Affairs, at the Opening Session of the ASEAN Post Ministerial Confe...
    Joint U.S.- DPRK Press Statement
    Korean Peninsula Energy Development Organization Executive Board Resolution(No. 1995-12)
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